Roj Bash !

Saturday 12th, in the Institute was presented the Livre noir de Saddam Hussein, a collective work directed by Chris Kutschera, which aims to be a book of references and an assessment. It could be used to as an indicment against 35 years of reign of the bloodiest dictator of the Middle East, as well as an analysis of the reasons which made that all the Western countries, the Arab countries and others, have supported a totalitarian government which made 2 million victims.

It does not mention only Kurds victims, but all the Iraqi victims, Iranian and Koweiti’s, since Saddam Hussein started twice a war of aggression and invasion against a neighbored State. Enlightening the exceptionnal brutality of Saddam’s regime is necessary, for we could not compare it with the others dictatorships in the Middle-East, like, alas, the French “comparatist” tendancy which aims to minimize the Iraqi terror.

Then, reminding and defining what is a genocide, crimes against humanity, crimes of war, is useful. In the first chapter of the first part entitled A regime agaisnt its own population, Patrick Baudouin, the Chairman of FIDH, does it, quoting immediately casualties given by Bakhtiar Amine, Minister for the humans right of the Iraqi temporary government, in the report of the international Conference on the Iraqi refugees and moved, in July 2002: “Two million people were wounded or succumbed in the border area between Iran and Iraq, during the Iraqi invasion of 1980; 200 000 people were killed during the War of the Gulf, 200 000 Iraqi Shiites during the rising of 1991 and 500 000 Kurds in Iraq by the genocidary policy of Saddam Hussein. Iraq also has the world record of forced disappearances: more than 200 000 disappeared (10 000 Kurds faylis from Baghdad and its neighbourhoods disappeared since 1980, 8000 members of the tribe of Barzani of the camp of Kouchtepe. 4500 villages and 26 cities were destroyed in the 1980s. In Iraqi Kurdistan, 110 concentration camps called “collective camps” or, according to the regime, “strategic villages ” or “modern villages “, surrounded of barbed wires and encircled by forces of safety, were created. More than 750 000 Kurds of the mountainous areas were moved in these camps. A half-million was moved in the desert, in camps at the border with Saudi Arabia and Jordan, in the camps of Arar, Rutba, Nougra Salman, and in the area of Rumadiya. In fact, the Iraqi former regime is responsible for 4 million refugees.”

Peter Slugett, in his chapter Portrait of a dictator, reports how Saddam seized the power at the end of the Sixties, and all the history of Iraqi baasism, and narrates in detail on the bases and the creation of the ideology baasist, which it summarizes in three terms: panarabist, national-socialist and dictatorial. According to him, one of the imperative reasons for which he could be maintained at the head of Iraq, is the support of a world “which generally believed that a dictatorship was preferable with anarchy and that, comparing with the risk of disintegration of Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussein, it was better to preserve the current situation.” Criticizing severely, like the majority of the analysts, “the incompetence and the stupidity of the American policy in Iraq” after 2003, Peter Slugett affirms that it is however difficult to think that Iraq is not better without Saddam Hussein.

In the chapter The Dictator and his portrait of Zuhair Al-Jezary and Saddam Hussein, which totalitatism? of Hazem Saghieh, the delirious and totalitarian society of Baasist Iraq ( a world where Saddam was everywhere, where the country was watched by networks and anti-networks aiming to atomize the Iraqi society), and the nature of a such regime is enlightened with analysing tools which had been already used to decrypt former totalitarian universes, as nazi and stalinist states, especially Hannah Arendt’s reflections.

One of the characteristics of the regime is the incredible multiplication of Intelligence services and safety, existing in parallel and often in rivalry. It ended to make of each Iraqi a spy, even in his own home and family. Moreover, the “Republic of Fear” like Kanan Makiya entitles his book, had recourse, to be maintained, it had recourse, to be maintained, on the broadest scale of the crimes and means of coercions that could done against a population, from extra-legal assassination and torture, to genocide and prohibited weapons.

As a deeply chauvinistic and racist State, Iraq brought to a leading place an ethnic and religious group : Sunni Arabs. Then Baasist regime began almost immediately ethnic or religious persecution. The massacres of Kurds and Shiites are most known. Chris Kutschera, however, clarifies in an interesting way an event quite forgotten, “the hanged of Baghdad” : the trial and the execution in 1969, in reprisals with an Israeli military operation, of 14 Iraqis, including 9 Jews. The Iraqi Jewish community was considerably reduced during the farhud and the massive migration in 1950-51. The few part which remained had been oppressed by the regime and their history is related in the book. C. Kutschera remind that in 2003, when Saddam fall, only a few dozens of Jews remained in Bagdad.

The first part of the book finishes on testimonys of prisoners in Abu Ghraib under Baasist rule.

The second part is devoted to the repression of Shiites, their history and their statute in Iraq, their deportation in Iran and their thousands of refugees. Some high figures of Iraqi Shiism are studied, thus the religious dignitaries Hakim, who were a target for Baasistes, like Barzanis on the Kurdish side. Emma Nicholson soeaks about The Destruction and the genocide of the marshes of Southern Iraq, an area whose human and ecological culture and way of life have their roots in the oldest pages of Mesopotamian history. Without the American intervention and the fall of the regime, the Arabs of the marshes would have disappeared , firstly because of dams and the destruction of the marshes, secundly with murders and expulsion. They were 400 000 in 1950, only 83 000 in may 2003. As for the marshes, the 2/3 had been drained in 1993. The liberation of Iraq and the campaign of restauration in this zone allowed to recover 30% of wide marshes.

And of course, in addition to the deportation and disappearance of Fayli Kurds, the massacre of Shiites culminated with the repression of their rising in 1991, which was a second Anfal, after the Kurds’ one.

The third part concerns the Kurdish genocide, which was the first to be ordered by Saddam. By the way, Iraqi State was, since its creation, an anti-Kurdish State, “a State against Kurds”, as stresses Chris Kutschera. The Kurdish Anfal is very well documented, because of the administrative meticulousness of Iraqi State. So we can have a large vision of death plannification and its various stages, aiming to exterminate all the Kurdish population, and some other communities, like Christians of Kurdistan, the Syriac speakers. Francoise Brié treats more particularly of the use of chemical weapons against the Kurds. The deportation of the Kurds fayli was also the means of destroying a human group for reasons as well economic as political.

Part 4 presents Saddam Hussein’s wars, against Iran in 1984-1988 and the invasion of Kuwait in 1991, during which many war crimes were committed (gas attacks against Iran, disappearance of 600 Koweitis, amongst other things).

Part 5 is particularly crucial : it approaches the question of the “Iraqi networks”, i.e. of all open complicities, political alliances or corruption occults whose Saddam was used to remain 35 years at the head of Iraq, and until 2003, to profit from Western voices, and particularly French’s, which defend him.

Jonathan Randal explains the “ambiguous relations” between the United States and Iraq, during all the 20° century. He told thus than the American help often allow to Saddam to face internal revolts in Iraq : “with imports of American corn and rice at reduced price (…) Saddam Hussein could not care of the insurrection of Kurdistan, this granary of Iraq.” . Cereal and oil interests in America, as well as the choice to support Iraq against Iran, made that the USA obstinately closed the eyes on the scandal of Halabja. There were even attempts of of falsification concerning the gazages : “a confusing report emanating from the Army War College of Carlisle, in Pennsylvania – and not deprived of any impulse from Washington – even affirmed that Iranians made the massacre of Halabja.”

Let’s recall that this invention forged by Saddam and supported a certain time by USA has still a certain success in Arab minds and elsewhere…. During the conference of Paris, in January 189, about the application of the Treaty of 1925 prohibiting the recourse to the chemical weapons, the French and the Americans intended to banish any Kurdish delegation of this conference, whereas this population had been used as initial victims, even of guinea-pigs for the use of these gases.

Chris Kutschera reconsiders deeply the French-Iraqi relations, that he qualifies “an idylle without fault”. The “complex” relations between URSS/Russie and Iraq are also approached.

The fourth political block accomplice of Saddam’s crimes is the Arab world itself. Antoine Sfeir wonders : Why the Arabs choose Saddam Hussein? But did they choose it?

The results of these 35 years od dictatorship? : “a traumatized society, a destroyed civil society , an ruined economy” according to Sami Zubeida.

Finally the book is completed on the question of Saddam’s lawsuit, the tons of documents which will be used as evidence, “a data base without similar” the massgraves or “Saddam Hussein’s fields of death” passed in review by Sinje Caren Stoyke, and finally on the problem raised by the place and the moment chosen for the lawsuit.

André Poupart gives his own opinion while explaining “why Saddam Hussein must be judged by Iraqi”: “the inevitable exemplarity of such an immense event, to which all the Iraqis will be able to assist on line or on the place or via television, could and has to be a leaven of national reconciliation. Some will learn what kind of leaders they supported and the inexpressible sufferings endured by their compatriots. Others will discover, exposed under the broad light of the court, the secrecy of unavowable tortures which did not finish tormenting each day the survivors. If there can be a certain painful pride to be a survivor, the tormentors and those which supported them will have to assume the horror and the improbability of crimes becoming manifest.”

So here is a reaport of the questions asked by the public and the answers of 3 authors : 2 French and an American : Françoise Brié, Chris Kutschera and Jonathan Randal.

KPI- Conference

Question : Did the Quay of Orsay open its files to you and how the current tendency of the French government will attenuate and minimize the crimes of Saddam?

Françoise Brié : Just before the trial had begun, there was this tendency to minimize the crimes of Saddam here. It is difficult to say how the things will evolve, but the scandals of corruption related to Oil for Food shows the extent of Saddam’s networks . The lawsuit will last nearly two years, and much of things will be revealed then. It would be necessary for example to publish the list of the people and the companies which benefitted from these networks. The Iraqi government and all kinds of supports, them, insist for all the crimes could be revealed

Jonathan Randal : There is to say here that the regime is calomniated by dark circles, etc. But the extent of the crimes is such, that they will not be able to minimize them a long time. I think that without l’affaire Mérimée it would be easier to minimize these crimes. Mérimée is not Mr. Anybody. Thus this investigation will bring many things on the public scene, and in particular the reason of silence and complicities.

C. Kutschera : We can speak really about a France-Iraq idylle, with nuclear agreements. Chirac went to Baghdad in 1974, when Saddam crushed the Kurdish revolt of Barzani. The Left continued, and in fact all the political community, from Right to Left, supported Saddam. For which reasons? Initially an obsession, a fear of Khomeiny’s regime, Saddam being presented like the laic “rampart”. There was also a concern of buiseness, a mercenary attitude: there were fabulous contracts, key-in-hand factories, airports, built roads… But, even if it is cynical, it doesn’t g out, for moe, of the normal political field, of states interests. But we see with the Affaire Mérimée, another face, revealing a such corruption, that it brings France to the level of a banana republic.

For the access to the files, I could consult the notes of the years 74-75. Obviously the Foreign Affairs did not show everything. On the other hand, and because he is fond of this question, Massoud Barzani communicated documents implying the Baasits forces who massacred 8000 Barzani in 1983.

J. Randal : the US have also many documents. Another book prepares, only on the American policy in Iraq. And then, there are the documents that the Kurdish peshmergas could seize in 1991 in Erbil, Silêmanî, Kirkuk, and who were sent to USA : it is a gold mine. There are also the documents recovered in Kuwait, after the collapse of the Iraqi occupation into 91. Lastly, in 2003, the US took tons of documents in Baghdad, but there are an absolute secrecy about them. We hope that these documents will be published during the lawsuit.

A curious aspect of this regime is that, like the Nazis, they adored to write. The Iraqi secret service filmed the first chemical bombardment in 1987, of a village of Bahdinan, and the cassette was found in the files, in 1991. This is why it is difficult to deny what happened, because there were too many documentations. Even the documents correspond to the doubles found in the Kurdish cities, etc. A so huge mass of informations prevents from supporting the thesis of falsification.

Question : Considering the extent of the crimes in all the Iraqi society, at which level of hierarchy the judgement of Baasits will be ?

C. Kutschera : The Americans concentrated on their famous card deck, neglecting thousands of representatives, officers, civils servant, etc, who were though implied in the Anfals. However, sinceNuremberg, the argument according to one only obeyed an order is not valid. I am not a lawyer, the court has to decide, but undoubtedly a lot of persons are concerned.

Françoise Brié, Chris Kutschera, Jonathan Randal

J. Randal : Many of these officers are currently imprisonned by the Americans. Were they questioned, like the German Generals in 1945? I doubt of that, considering the bad organization of the Americans in Iraq.

F. Brié : Thousands of tormentors and high-ranked people are still free in Iraq and in neighbored countries, in particular Syria. We can expect many acts of revenge, worsening the insecurity in Iraq.

Question : About the fate of Djash (Kurdish collaborators) and Iraqi Baasists, is it possible that Iraqis turn against them? Which is the capacity of revenge on the Iraqis and against who they can turn their weapons?

F. Brié : If that had had to be the case, a civil war would have already happened. On the contrary, one observes a reserve of the communities and a control on them of the political parties. The people really implied in the lawsuits are undoubtedly important people of the former regime.

Question : How Saddam could have the power during 35 years ?

C. Kutschera : The first reason is terror. As soon as he becomes the leader, he built a huge spy and anti-spynetworks in all the country. Even the children were informers of their parents. Fear was such, that Iraqis who traveled, for example in France, were afraid to speak, even if they could not be not in the presence of Iraqi services, by fear of reprisals when they return in Iraq.

The second reason is the support of Westerners, of all the Westerners, with credits, weapons. Other Arab countries supported him also. Saddam above all, owned the money of oil. He was the owner of a huge oil hoard. He could develop the country, provide free health and education, offered enormous contracts. There was a class of shady businessmen who were the basis of his regime. The professors of universities had a free housing, each one had Mercédès, the university district was called the “Mercédès district”. A lot of people profitted of his favours. There were a lot of “little Saddam” in Irak. Only these facts could explain that 18o thousands of men were shot, buried, sometimes buried alive in the desert, and that no one member of the Iraqi services, no one soldier did flee, passed to the West, and refused to obey. There was a large complicity in the Iraqi society.

J. Randal : In 1991, when the peshmergas seized the power… they were upset when they came back in the cities. They had a so pure vision of the Kurdish man in their mountains, they were saddened by seing how people had been brainwashed, even among the Kurds. Then, imagine the Iraqis! How could Washington be unaware of what hapened ? Undoubtedly they knew .

Question : Is the world public opinion interested in these crimes or rather tends to minimize, saying “it is an Eastern country, it is normal, etc”? Is there, under American influence, a refusal to qualify them “genocide”, employing only the word “crimes against humanity”?

C. Kutschera : Very clearly, after the first lawsuit of Saddam, who was selected as an easy beginning, for the facts were simple, and the witnesses are ready to deposit, we shall enter the most serious cases then : Anfals of Kurds and Shiits, and there, obviously it will be clearly a case of genocide.

J. Randal : Lawsuits will start, but what will happen in Iraq, on the ground? We can already see a loathing with speaking about these crimes, because the mess of the American presence in Iraq is such, that there is a tendency to close ranks against them. This mess will occult, I am afraid, the importance of this genocide.

C. Kutschera: The Arab public opinion, the “Arab street”, supported Saddam a long time. Initially because they could not make differently (because of their own regimes). But in this opinion, when the lawsuit begin and when the horrors of tSaddam’s rule will be exposed, when they see the terrible photographs of the mass graves for example, they have to realize reality: I saw photographs of corpses with puppets in their arms, because it was children’s corpses. I hope that the Arab street will realize that it badly chose its hero. The Westerners, step by step, evolve on this question.

Chris Kutschera

Question : does justice have to merge with revenge? Can one consider “commissions of reconciliation” with graded ordinary people, the small ones? ?

F. Brie : Proposals were made by associations, in a second time, but not before the trial begins. There was also the choice between two types of court, either in Iraq or outside. In a chapter, Patrick Baudouin, the FIDH chairman, concludes that it is better to judge saddam in Iraq, in respect for the victims. Before forgiveness, it is necessary that people recognize the facts and that these facts could be widely revealed.

Question : The behavior of the French State for 30 years is a scandal : All the political parties, from Right to Left, everyone collaborated, except perhaps the Communists. We can make a parallel with the work of François-Xavier Verschave on “Francafrca”. Also I am astonished and condemns the speech held by the French media, which call “resistants” those which fight in Baghdad. It is necessary that a such work is presented and defended, for the media have another speech (in so far as they are free, that which one can doubt). Because that contributes to sow confusion in the French opinion.

F. Brié: The scandal Oil for Food showed the extent of the networks of corruption, which prevented that testimonys are really published in the press. There were many pressures, a real work to prevent the denunciation, at many moments. Surely, there will be still attempts. For example, this lawsuit is itself is judged before even it starts. And it does not sink in the lapse of memory or the indifference during two next years.

Question : Which is the validity of a lawsuit in a country occupied by the United States? Will it be equitable in such a context? And aren’t the other countries of the area as guilty as him?

C. Kutschera : I am strongly disagree that point of view. The aim of this book is to be a reference, to analyze the situation, to give keys for understanding, and especially to prevent making Saddam an ordinary dictator. There is not any common measurement with Al-Assad or Kadhafi. For me, Saddam = Hitler and Stalin. If we report the 2 million victims in the Iraqi population plus those of the Iranian war, with that of the victims of the Nazism or Stalinism in the countries which they controlled, Saddaml joined the level of Hitler or Stalin. It is incomparable and it is necessary to cease delivering to the tricky play of “comparatism”.

Moreover, as Francoise said, weshould not make the lawsuit of the lawsuit before it did not start. The “smart Parisian salons” think only from their point of view and forget the Iraqis. The lawsuit takes place in Baghdad, but it is necessary also that it takes place with Halabja, because the Kurds want it badly.

J. Randal : The problem is that the US have failed in Iraq. The current mess and instability are real, but if Saddam is not judged now, he is likely to die of his natural death !

Jonathan Randal

C. Kutschera : It is better to judge him now.

Question : Will the book translated in Arabic and diffused in Iraq ?

C. Kutschera : the next week, we shall go to the conference of Erbil. Perhaps we will meet people to translate it into Arabic and to sell it in Iraq and in the Arab world.

J. Randal : I have a Lebanese friend who translated in Arabic my book about Kurds. He told me : « Now, Arabs cannot say that they are unaware ofit”. It is necessary to make the same thing for this work.

(For English readers : there are current negociations to translate it in English)